1989 national interest essay the end of history

First is the claim that anyone in the past who expressed any degree of egalitarianism or concern for individual conscience is a liberal. The most profound thinkers of the twentieth century have directly attacked the idea that history is a coherent or intelligible process; indeed, they have denied the possibility that any aspect of human life is philosophically intelligible. The relationship of lordship and bondage on a domestic level is naturally replicated on the level of states, where nations as a whole seek recognition and enter into bloody battles for supremacy. It ends with a surprisingly poignant passage: "The end of history will be a very sad time. He has no interest in the solution that liberals typically adopt to accommodate diversity: pluralism and multiculturalism. It should go without saying that none of these criticisms is meant to deny that the Hegelian system possesses tremendous aesthetic appeal. No wonder no one in the Administration has read it. The book was a best-seller, but not a huge one, maybe because the excitement about the end of the Cold War had cooled. Neither did a lot of other prominent opinion-makers around town. Michael Novak wondered in Commentary. China has a one-party state government, while Russia, though formally a democracy, is often described as an autocracy ; it is categorized as an anocracy in the Polity data series. A parallel can perhaps be drawn with pop: we are in the post-postmodern age of the retro-authentic mashup. And the death of this ideology means the growing "Common Marketization" of international relations, and the diminution of the likelihood of large-scale conflict between states. Categories : non-fiction books 20th century American exceptionalism Books about civilizations Books about cultural geography Books about globalization Books in political philosophy Capitalism Democracy English-language books Free Press publisher books Postmodernism Theories of history Works by Francis Fukuyama. Himself an idiosyncratic practitioner of the genre, he found the piece "spirited and lively," but wonders how Fukuyama could have failed to address the revival of religious fundamentalism or the conflicts that could arise out of nationalism.

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Criticism took every conceivable form, some of it based on simple misunderstanding of my original intent, and others penetrating more perceptively to the core of my argument. The author, Francis Fukuyama, a State Department official, was unknown to the public, but his article was accompanied by "responses" from Irving Kristol, Allan Bloom, Senator Daniel Patrick Moynihan and others notable for their gloomy prognostications. Enrollment was small, around twenty, but a number of future intellectual luminaries, like Hannah Arendt and Jacques Lacan, either took the class or sat in on it. Say the West has won, that fascism and Communism are dead, that no significant ideological challenges are on the horizon - then what?
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Second, modern natural science establishes a uniform horizon of economic production possibilities. From Wikipedia, the free encyclopedia. They shared meals and talked philosophy until all hours, living the good life Bloom would later evoke in "The Closing of the American Mind," the professor and his disciples sitting around the cafeteria discussing the Great Books.
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A belief in the efficacy of force. For both of these thinkers, there was a coherent development of human societies from simple tribal ones based on slavery and subsistence agriculture, through various theocracies, monarchies, and feudal aristocracies, up through modern liberal democracy and technologically driven capitalism. Note: Citations are based on reference standards.
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Fukuyama worked in Washington for two years, then returned to Rand. But in certain cultures with a strong work ethic, such as that of the Protestant entrepreneurs who created European capitalism, or of the elites who modernised Japan after the Meiji restoration, work was also undertaken for the sake of recognition. Does not the satisfaction of certain human beings depend on recognition that is inherently unequal? It is like an innate human sense of justice.
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As a political theorist, Fukuyama is more in the tradition of Bentham or Locke than of pop futurists like Alvin Toffler. We honk the horn. According to Fukuyama, since the French Revolution , liberal democracy has repeatedly proven to be a fundamentally better system ethically, politically, economically than any of the alternatives. Categories : Concepts in the philosophy of history Political history Economic history World history Words coined in the s Utopias. But it is also contingent progress, reversible by the same means that accomplished it in the first place: the efforts of individual men and women.
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